The case for removing Joe Biden from office

In a sense, Democrats ought to be relieved. After his calamitous presidential debate, Joe Biden delivered one of his most embarrassing gaffes on Thursday, when he introduced Volodymyr Zelensky as “President Putin” and called Kamala Harris “Vice President Trump.”

These howlers — which could have been mistaken for hard-right disinformation — are incontrovertible evidence the Democrats need to remove Biden from the ticket. The president’s inner circle, which has stubbornly defended Biden’s health and argued that the debate was an anomaly, have no arguments left. Democratic donors and members of the party establishment are publicly and privately calling for Biden to give up the nomination. 

Biden’s age and mental acuity have been important considerations for voters, and they were brought to prominence in February by the Hur report. The report, which concluded the investigation into Biden’s handling of classified documents when he left the vice-presidency, described him as a “sympathetic, well-meaning, elderly man with a poor memory.”

Biden’s good performance during the State of the Union address gave him a brief boost in the polls, and reaffirmed his view that he is up to the job. But as both Thursday and the Trump debate demonstrated, it’s much easier to do well when you’re reading from a script. Biden’s gaffes did more than reinforce concerns about his age — they confirmed them. 

Biden remains resolute. On Thursday, he said: “If I slow down and can’t get the job done, that’s a sign I shouldn’t be doing it. But there’s no indication of that yet.”

If Biden won’t leave willingly, then he could be pushed. In theory, he could be outvoted at the Democratic National Convention, when delegates formally ratify the results of the party’s primary. However, that would require a dominant alternative nominee, and as the winner of the primary, Biden retains the right to pick the delegates asked to confirm his nomination.

More likely is that Democrats resort to the Twenty-Fifth Amendment. This clause, the talk of the liberal intelligentsia the past two weeks, allows the cabinet to promote the vice president if they believe the president is unable to exercise his role. It would need confirmation through a two-thirds majority in both the House and the Senate, but the mere threat of the Twenty-Fifth would surely persuade the president to step off the ballot. The persistence of Biden’s calamities, and the pressure from donors and elected officials, have given the cabinet the conditions to invoke it.

Biden may have been famous for his verbal slips across his long career, but none of that comes close to confusing a valiant ally for the man at war with him. Or mistaking your right-hand-woman for your political enemy. Now that Biden’s decline is confirmed beyond doubt, there is a real chance that his party see no way to victory with him on the ticket. Others, especially Gavin Newsom, who has no national record to defend, are better placed to beat Trump. If carefully handled, Biden’s gaffes could save the Democrats.

This article was originally published on The Spectator’s UK website.