What Trump and Bibi get from each other

For all of their political similarities – imperiousness, indifference, more than occasional impunity – Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu’s canniest shared superpower is their ability to manipulate their public perceptions. Case in point: Netanyahu’s sudden visit to Washington this week, which comes as both he and Trump battle the near-term uproar over their long-term political agendas. 

The official reason for Netanyahu’s visit, it seems, is to discuss Trump’s new tariff edict – slated to place a 17 percent levy on Israeli goods when it goes into effect next week. Despite the sizable figure – which is certainly worth a challenge – the visit feels contrived. Far more economically important nations will be hit far harder by Trump’s tariff bombshell, yet he chose Israel as the first country to talk specifics.

Israel has already demonstrated flexibility on the tariffs front, scrapping its own levies against American products in the run-up to Trump’s “Liberation Day.” The move, while appearing strategic and offensive, has ultimately been revealed as a dud. Israel exported $22 billion to the US last year  – three times the amount it imported in reverse. Even if Netanyahu can negotiate a tariff reduction, any “best-case” scenario would still see a levy of 10 percent by Israel’s largest trading partner. That means billions in added costs that need to be absorbed by someone.

Which suggests the real reason for Bibi’s visit is old-fashioned political cover and expediency. As they dominate their domestic news cycles, Trump and Netanyahu don’t need to score wins – what they need is distraction. Indeed, Trump didn’t invite Netanyahu to the White House as much as he summoned him there. While Bibi paraded across Budapest last week, Trump rang up Netanyahu and his hardline host, Viktor Orbán, to unilaterally insert himself into the state visit. 

Tariffs were the call’s ostensible purpose, but the only tangible takeaway was that Netanyahu was headed to Washington. The Monday confirmation date arrived shortly thereafter. The only real roadblock is the testimony Bibi is slated to give this week in his corruption trial back in Israel, which a judge would have to reschedule. Even considering Netanyahu’s formidable hostility to Israel’s legal system, such a dispensation would almost certainly be forthcoming. 

And so Benjamin Netanyahu arrives in Washington mostly because he and Trump view the visit as their easiest and most obvious next move. With Bibi at his side in the Oval, Trump can get back to the more crowd-pleasing business of rescuing hostages and tussling with the Ayatollahs. Bibi’s presence also reignites MAGA hawks and Zionists – while providing fresh reason for pro-Palestinian progressives to noisily preen and protest. All while the Republicans lost their first major campaign since Trump’s November election last week – and global markets continue to wither by the trillions. 

Usually treats await Netanyahu upon arrival. Last time around Trump announced his outlandish Gaza transfer plan, the first by any foreign leader after Trump’s inauguration. With actual Gazans now actually emigrating from Gaza, Trump has demonstrated, yet again, that he can deliver for Israel, which only further edifies his Netanyahu entanglements. 

With their disdain for establishment media and battles with their respective judiciaries, Trump and Netanyahu make for obvious (co)-dependents. Both are showmen and survivors with high tolerances for chaos and conflict.

Bibi, of course, must usually defer to his American patron, but Trump clearly respects his elder statesman status. As he teases exploring a possibly illegal third term, the president is already succumbing to the inevitable pull of sheer political longevity. And few leaders have survived for so long and so effectively like Benjamin Netanyahu.