Judging from how much Gavin Newsom talks about Donald Trump these days, the governor’s real project isn’t governing California – it’s raising his national profile ahead of an inevitable presidential run. He’s found an issue that lets him pit himself against Trump and gain coveted national media attention: reconfiguring California’s congressional districts to put more Democrats in Congress. He’s pitching it as a way to “fight fire with fire” after Texas Republicans passed their own partisan maps. In reality, it’s a political power grab dressed up as righteous urgency.
The problem is that in 2010, Californians voted to take redistricting away from politicians and hand it to an independent citizen commission – a reform meant to end gerrymandering. Newsom’s plan to temporarily override it until 2030 needs a constitutional amendment, which requires the Legislature to cut short its summer recess, pass his so-called “Election Rigging Response Act” with a two-thirds vote before August 22, and put it on the ballot for a special election in November.
That election will cost taxpayers an estimated $250 million, at a time when the state is facing a budget crisis. “No price tag for democracy,” Newsom shrugged. Newsom is going all in on this gamble, despite the fact that California voters aren’t buying it. According to an August 14 poll, 64 percent want to keep the independent commission, and just 36 percent support Newsom’s plan. The opposition is bipartisan: 66 percent of Republicans, 61 percent of Democrats, and 72 percent of independents want the commission left alone. In a state where Trump barely scraped 34 percent in 2020, that’s a resounding rejection.
Faced with those numbers, Newsom is saturating the debate with the magic word that never fails to electrify his base: “Trump.” At a Thursday press conference in Los Angeles, he assembled a who’s who of California’s Democratic power structure. Among them was Jodi Hicks, head of Planned Parenthood California and wife of Paul Mitchell, a key player in the state’s redistricting world. Several union bosses took the microphone, including David Huerta of California SEIU – whose June arrest while confronting ICE officers helped spark anti-ICE riots. Huerta exhorted the crowd in Spanish to “correct the errors of November,” meaning Trump’s election.
From there, it was a parade of Democratic officials hitting the familiar notes: Trump’s immigration policies, January 6, abortion, “the wealthy,” and the apocalypse if the President is not thwarted. Not a single speaker offered details about how the governor’s plan would actually work– just moral posturing. The mantra was “protect democracy,” though in this case “democracy” seems to mean “Democratic Party control.”
Newsom and his allies openly framed this as a power grab, emphasizing the need to bend rules in the face of a unique threat. “We want to model better behavior [by having a nonpartisan redistricting commission],” Newsom explained, “but we can’t unilaterally disarm.” Senator Alex Padilla, switching to Spanish, added: “These are not normal times.” Apparently, if you’re a Democrat in 2025, there’s a convenient Trump exception to the rule that two wrongs don’t make a right.
Underneath the official script, Newsom’s choice of guests sent quieter messages. The first was aimed at state legislators, whose votes he needs. Labor’s heavy presence was a reminder of who bankrolls campaigns and supplies the ground troops for Democrats in California. Oppose the measure, and you might find yourself on the wrong side of your biggest benefactors.
The second audience was national Democratic leadership. Newsom wanted to show he’s a loyal soldier, willing to bend California’s rules and spend its taxpayers’ money to serve the Party’s larger goals. Most pundits think the plan is a long shot, but he doesn’t necessarily need to win to score points. Regardless of the outcome, he’s signaled to national party bosses that he’s ready to go to the mat for them – something that could pay dividends in 2028, given how shallow the Democrats’ bench is after years of rewarding loyalty over leadership skills.
Perhaps he’s calculated that if he pleases the party’s power brokers, he won’t have to worry too much about the ire of California’s voters.
Newsom’s repeated refrain of “Wake up, America!” emphasized that he was playing to a national audience. He warned that without his plan, the country will cease to exist because Trump will secure a third term. “Mark my word,” he insisted, citing as proof a hat someone sent him emblazoned with “Trump 2028.” For anyone immune to Trump Derangement Syndrome, the claim was laughable, but plausibility isn’t the point. The point is presenting Newsom as the hero standing between democracy and the abyss, the only man brave enough to take on Trump and the dastardly red states.
For those not buying this fairytale, the episode serves as a reminder of how quickly politicians will discard principles when there’s political capital to be gained. Californians voted to end gerrymandering, and now Newsom wants to override that mandate to boost his party’s power. The excuse is that Trump is too dangerous for the rules to matter. But few things pose a bigger threat to democracy than overturning voter decisions simply because they’re inconvenient to your side.
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